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Economic Review
Volume 1 No. 3
Could Cambodia's Farmers Be
Rich?
Lessons learned from the Northwest Former Khmer Rouge Zones
The agriculture-based
Northwest former Khmer Rouge zones have enjoyed relatively
high income per capita compared to the rest of the country.
But the heyday may not last, as they are facing similar
production and trade problems like the others.
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Compared with many villages in Cambodia, the former Khmer
Rouge (KR) zones in the Northwest are relatively prosperous. A
large number of households own their house, plus a television,
motorcycles, cars, and tractors. Some villages have more than
30 tractors, while in the rest of the country, most villages
have none. An average household in the zones owns about 5
hectares of land. Net income has averaged about US$1,500 per
year but is even increasing, up to an average household income
during the 2003 harvest season of US$2,180. This is well above
the poverty line and much higher than in much of rural
Cambodia, where a household may not earn more than US$1,000
per year.
Living along the Cambodia-Thailand border, the former KR
villagers mostly cultivate maize and a few other crops to sell
to Thai traders. The soil is highly productive and the market
is there, although prices seem to be determined by Thai
traders. This agricultural production has been made possible
in part from recent clearing of forests which occupied most of
the zones.
The
current study looks into how the former KR zones have emerged
strongly in economic terms and assesses whether there are any
lessons to be learned from this high income growth. A research
team from the Economic Institute of Cambodia, and the Finance
and Banking Commission of the Senate, conducted fieldwork in
five different districts in northwestern Cambodia: Pailin,
Kamreang, Phnom Proek, Sampov Loun and Malai. Using
questionnaires, the team interviewed district and municipal
authorities, commune councils, traders and farmers. The two
most important agricultural products, maize and soybeans, were
studied in detail both in production and marketing aspects.
The findings are compared with those in Kampong Cham province
in east-central Cambodia, which is also a significant producer
of those crops.
Geographical Background
Most
areas along the Cambodian-Thai border were under full control
of the Khmer Rouge between 1975 and 1996. During this time of
war and deprivation, people maintained the forests for
shelter, and lived mostly on external assistance. By the early
1990s, this assistance was gradually being withdrawn, and
substantial logging and mining began in the area, a few years
before the re-integration in 1996 of former Khmer Rouge into
Cambodian society. A land concession was part of the deal to
end the fighting, and households in those areas received on
average 5 hectares of land for livelihood pursuit. Driven now
by a cash economy, a number of households obtained more land
by additional forest clearing. At present, the agricultural
land represents about 40 percent of the total area of the
zones, which is mountainous. Most of the cultivated areas have
rich soil on which maize, bean, cassava, sugar cane and other
fruits can grow well. The less fertile soil is used to grow
rice.
The population in the zones is approximately 153,400 people.
Most of them are poorly educated owing to a dearth of
schooling opportunities during the long civil conflict. About
half the population there are former Khmer Rouge soldiers and
their relatives. The other half migrated in from other parts
of Cambodia following the integration in 1996. They moved from
land-scarce provinces to this relatively land-abundant area,
advised to do so by the original villagers, most of whom were
relatives. The study found that the standard of living of the
original villagers remains higher than that of the new
settlers because original villagers were given farmland and
could clear the forest even further.
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Figure 1. Map of Cambodia

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Even with
the significant migration into the former KR zones, there
continues to be a labour deficit due to the high
land-population ratio. Therefore, a large number of migrant
workers from less developed areas such as other districts of
Battambang, Prey Veng, Svay Rieng and Takeo province, migrate
in seasonally to supply labour for most of the farms.
Former KR members continue to be decision-makers in the zones,
at the consent of the government of Cambodia. After the Khmer
Rouge integration, the government of Cambodia granted local
administrative power to the former KR authorities, so they
could have discretion over their own administration budgets.
Laws and regulations for the community are developed at the
discretion and decision of the local people, and security in
the area also is provided by the local authority.
Agricultural Production
The former KR zones were the sites of protracted fighting,
mining and logging, and the populace depended on humanitarian
aid. It is therefore a positive development that the local
people have now turned their attention to growing crops,
albeit on deforested land. The soil is suitable for many
crops, but farmers mainly grow maize, soybean and cassava in
order to cater to market demand. Production of these crops has
risen remarkably following the integration. Because it is the
main reason behind the relatively high income of households in
the area, it deserves examination in greater detail.
Maize Production and Productivity
Maize is grown two times a year, with the first harvest in
March and the second in July. It takes about three months to
harvest either in the wet or dry season. Maize (primarily
yellow maize) is the crop grown by most producers because
there is a good market for it. It is mostly exported to
Thailand, where it is used to supplement agro-processing
enterprises there or re-exported elsewhere.
According to government statistics, which are often grossly
underestimated, maize production in the former KR zones in
2002 was around 29,000 tons. This is about 40 percent of the
officially-counted total yellow maize production in Cambodia.
However, according to our recent interviews with various
groups of people in the zones, maize production in 2003 was
actually about 150,000 tons. This would be worth US$ 12.3
million at the farmgate price of US$ 82 per ton. However, Thai
traders reportedly collude in their efforts to monopolize the
market, and farmgate prices are generally stable at about
US$75 per ton.
The average yield of yellow maize in the former KR areas in
2003 was 4.3 tons per hectare, according to our small sample
survey. This is a considerable drop from 5 tons per hectare in
2002, but is still higher than that in Kampong Cham, where the
good yield is around 4 tons per hectare. The higher yield in
the former KR zones is mainly due to the newer and more
fertile land. In addition, farmers say the maize seed used in
the zones is obtained from Thailand, and generally yields
higher production than local seeds used in Kampong Cham.
For
comparative purposes, the unit costs of maize production in
the former KR zones are compared with those in Kampong Cham
province, where yellow maize has been grown on rich soil as
well. The cost of maize production per ton in the former KR
zones in 2003 was US$53, compared to about US$40 in Kampong
Cham province. The difference can be attributed to a higher
land preparation cost, which was US$74 per hectare in the
zones as opposed to about US$30 in Kampong Cham. It is more
costly to plow relatively new lands which may still be filled
with tree roots, large rocks, or other debris. Labour cost in
the former KR zones is also higher than that in Kampong Cham,
due to a relative labour shortage in the zones and thus a
practice of using migrant workers.
For the former KR
zones, not only are costs of production higher, but farm gate
prices are lower. There, the price of a ton of yellow maize
has been around US$75, compared with US$85-90 in Kampong Cham.
This substantial price difference is attributed to the
remoteness of the areas from the Phnom Penh marketplace.
Granted, the farmers in the zones are very close to an even
larger market, Thailand; however, farmers report facing price
determination by seemingly coordinated Thai traders, who can
thus act as a monopoly.
Despite all
these negative factors, the farmers in the former KR zones
have something significant going for them, and they are
generally better off than Kampong Cham farmers. This is solely
due to the fact that farmers in the former KR zones possess
much more land than those in Kampong Cham. A net income for
one hectare of land in the former KR zones was around US$140
per hectare, but farmers with the minimum grant of 5 hectares
are able to yield US$700 per growing season.
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Table 1. Comparison of Maize and
Soybean Production in
Northwest Border and Kampong Cham
(2003 Harvest Season)

Source: EIC |
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By contrast, a net income for one hectare of land in Kampong
Cham was $180. Most households only own about one hectare,
making this amount the total income for the farm household per
growing season. Land size matters, in the livelihood of
farmers.
This felicity
of circumstance for farmers in the former KR zones will not
last, however. The rich soil endowment that has led to higher
soil productivity in the zones is already becoming depleted
and productivity is slowing down. While production varies from
year to year depending on weather conditions, the overall
trend is a decrease, attributed to the reduction in soil
nutrients. The significant drop between 2002 and 2003 yields
(from 5 to 4.3 tons per hectare) could be partly attributed to
weather factors, but not in total. The decline in soil
productivity raises a concern that development in the zones
could be short-lived. At the moment, farmers in the zones
still enjoy higher productivity granted to them by ecological
conditions. However, if the lands are not cultivated in a
sustainable manner, this advantage may gradually disappear.
Moreover, as time goes by, population keeps growing while land
does not. Thus, as the land-population ratio is reduced, total
income from primary production may become inadequate, as in
the case in many parts of Cambodia.
Soybean Production and
Productivity
The
consumption of soybeans and soy-related products has increased
exponentially in recent years. This is good news for Cambodia,
which grows them. Production of soybeans for a few decades has
been concentrated in Kampong Cham province, where there is red
soil. Recently, large quantities of soybeans have been
produced in northwest Cambodia as well.
According to government statistics, Battambang province (which
includes the former KR zones) produced about 8,000 tons of
soybeans in 2003, and Kampong Cham harvested 27,000 tons.
Soybean production in the former KR zones has increased for
the same reason as maize, that reason being that farmers are
finding markets for it. Half of soybeans produced in
northwestern Cambodia are exported to Thailand. The rest is
exported to Vietnam through Phnom Penh.
Productivity
of soybean growth in the former KR zones is higher than that
of Kampong Cham. According to our study, production of
soybeans at this border area is approximately 1.6 tons per
hectare, compared to 1.45 tons per hectare in Kampong Cham.
This higher level of productivity is attributable to the
newly-cultivated lands in the former KR zones, which contain
better nutrients. However, the trend of productivity is on the
decline, as with maize, as nutrients in the soil gradually
decrease.
Production costs of soybeans in the zones are higher than in
Kampong Cham, US$208 per hectare in the zones and US$200 in
Kampong Cham. But because productivity currently better in the
zones, farmers there incur a lower unit cost, US$130 per ton,
versus US$138 in Kampong Cham. However, farmers in the zones
are not able to sell their product for as good a price as
farmers in Kampong Cham. In 2003, the farmgate price for the
zones was US$275 per ton, whereas it was US$300 in Kampong
Cham. This has led the zones farmers to look for markets in
both Thailand and Vietnam, rather than relying primarily on
Thailand as they do for their maize crop.
Transportation and Other Costs
Unfortunately for farmers in the zone, their ability to
produce is not matched by a vibrant transportation system to
get their goods to market. That contributes to the sale of
most of their products to the Thai market. Transportation from
the farm to a stock point costs $US6 per ton, and it costs
about the same amount again for transportation from the stock
point to the Thai marketplace.
Strict administration by local officials in the former Khmer
zones allows fees collected for trade activities to be used to
cover local administration expenses. This bulk of this money
is used locally, rather than going on to the government in
Phnom Penh. This leads to great incentive on the part of the
local officials to have a predictable system of border fees.
There is no unofficial payment (i.e., bribes) in the villages.
Thus, the institutional structure and administration in the
zones can be pointed to as a factor in the smooth flow of
goods to the Thai market. |
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Figure 2. Comparison of Soybean
Delivery Price
in Phnom Penh (US$/ton)

Source: EIC,
compiled from various sources |
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Obviously, it is cheaper to transport goods to close-by
Thailand, rather than south to Phnom Penh (and often on to
Vietnam). However, some goods, particularly soybeans, do flow
Vietnam. Trade costs, including transportation and other costs
associated with the flow of goods from the zones to Phnom Penh
are about US$20 per ton to Phnom Penh. That figure is only
US$5 for the transport of products from Kampong Cham to Phnom
Penh. Transportation costs are the bulk of this higher figure,
reflecting the longer distance to cover and the poor quality
of the roads between northwest Cambodia and Phnom Penh.
Agricultural products, especially maize, account for most of
the trade at the Cambodia-Thailand border. Most of the maize
is exported to Thailand through Khmer middlemen. The soybean
harvest is split between Thailand and Phnom Penh (and on to
Vietnam). The cost structure of this trade must take into
account, first of all, the farmer's cost. Then merchants, or
middlemen (other villagers in the zones) buy the crop and
transport it either to a wholesaler in Phnom Penh or to
traders at the Thai border. In order to be competitive with
the Kampong Cham crop of soybeans, the crop grown by farmers
in the zones must be sold for a lower farm gate price. High
soil productivity is the main reason why it is possible for
farmers to absorb this deflated price and remain competitive
with Kampong Cham
Household Incomes in Zones
Our study has found that household incomes in the zones -
income which is based primarily on agricultural revenues - are
relatively high as compared to the national average. The total
income per household in 2003 was about US$2,180 per year
(Figure 3). National average household income has been roughly
US$1,500 (per capita GDP of US$280 x 5.3 people). Other
agriculturally-important areas are not enjoying such income;
for instance, the average income per household in Kampong Cham
province was reportedly around US$910 per year. Residents
there, however, obtained only 45 percent of their total income
from agriculture, while 88 percent of total income in the
zones came from agriculture.
This income advantage in the zones may not last, just as the
soil productivity may not last. The relatively high incomes in
the former KR zones are derived from those households owning
five hectares of land or more. The land-population ratio is
still low. But because both local population and migration
levels are growing rapidly, this advantage of land abundance
may gradually disappear. And the zones will come like other
parts of Cambodia, where the average household owns about one
hectare of land and much depend on additional sources of
income for their livelihood.
Conclusion
Households in the former KR zones are enjoying something of a
heyday, but these favorable conditions may not last, and the
zones may at some point have the same agricultural problems
that other areas of Cambodia now face. Right now, farmers in
the zones generally generate higher incomes than in many other
rural areas in Cambodia. Our research has found that these
higher incomes are largely due to the larger and fertile farms
made possible by deforestation and lower population density.
Growth has been based mainly on primary extraction of the rich
abundant land, which can be short-lived unless the
exploitation of the soil is managed in a sustainable manner.
Although additional land has been cleared of forest, the
initial forest clearance allowed for a more-or-less even
distribution of five hectares to each household. This has
allowed the generation of broad-based growth from agriculture.
The high income growth from agriculture would not have been
achieved without the forests being cleared to a large extent
over the past few years. In many parts of Cambodia, where
there were/are forests, people living around them are
generally poor, while the rich environment has been maintained
or the resources extraction has apparently benefited only a
handful in the city or overseas.
Both the soil and climate are rich and suitable for growing
major cash crops, mainly maize and soybean, which can easily
find markets. However, comparatively speaking, soil
productivity alone would not be sufficient in securing
adequate household income. As a matter of fact, maize is
produced at a higher cost in the former KR zones than in
Kampong Cham, where the soil is almost as fertile. In
addition, farmgate prices of the crops are lower in the former
KR zones than in Kampong Cham. Thus, in terms of unit profit,
farmers in Kampong Cham are better off. But in terms of total
income, farmers in the former KR zones are better off. The
larger farm size is a major factor in overcoming the problems
of higher production costs and lower farm gate prices in the
former KR zones. |
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Figure 3. Annual Income per Household
by Region (US$)

Source: EIC, compiled from various sources |
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Given the experience in other parts of rural Cambodia, it is
unlikely that the current level of productivity in the zones
will sustain in the future. The land-people ratio will be
reduced over time by high population growth and in-migration.
This will erode the competitive edge of the zones. It is
important that vertical value addition, such as
agro-processing and better marketing chains, be introduced to
compensate for the inevitable declining horizontal expansion
of crop production.
It is also important to note that border trade with Thailand
has played a critical role in the development of the former KR
zones. Being isolated from Phnom Penh by long distance and
expensive transport costs, the areas have relied on Thai
traders to purchase their products, although those traders may
not necessarily offer fair prices. Without border trade, cash
crop production would not have reached the current level.
Finance and Banking Commission of
the Senate and Economic Institute of
Cambodia Research Team
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